{"id":9545,"date":"2023-09-24T01:54:30","date_gmt":"2023-09-24T00:54:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/?p=9545"},"modified":"2023-09-24T01:54:33","modified_gmt":"2023-09-24T00:54:33","slug":"encuesta-control-o-secuestro-tu-decides","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/encuesta-control-o-secuestro-tu-decides\/","title":{"rendered":"ENCUESTA: \u00bfCONTROL O SECUESTRO? \u00a1T\u00da DECIDES!"},"content":{"rendered":"
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(Espa\u00f1ol)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u00abEn la Espa\u00f1a actual, circulan mitos y f\u00e1bulas que muy a menudo pasamos por alto. Algunos de estos mitos se relacionan con la supuesta legitimidad de la Constituci\u00f3n<\/a> espa\u00f1ola y la democracia <\/a>representativa<\/strong>. Sin embargo, al analizar las normas internacionales, la historia y el propio razonamiento l\u00f3gico, surgen preguntas. Las principales son si esta Constituci\u00f3n realmente tiene plena legitimidad y si la representatividad existe<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Insisto. Este par de claros ejemplos de falacias legales y sociales est\u00e1n en:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- la propia supuesta legitimidad de la Constituci\u00f3n espa\u00f1ola<\/strong> que, en la realidad, sin embargo, teniendo en cuenta las normas internacionales e hist\u00f3ricas en las que se instituy\u00f3 y, sobre todo, la propia l\u00f3gica, ser\u00eda una norma nula de pleno derecho<\/a><\/span> a ese respecto<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- la propia supuesta representatividad ciudadana del sistema de partidos<\/a><\/strong>, as\u00ed como que el ciudadano pueda controlar los poderes del estado<\/strong> a trav\u00e9s de \u00e9stos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Como siempre, no voy a pedir que me crean. Prefiero exponer algunos de los hechos concretos que, con el tiempo, me llevaron a esta convicci\u00f3n basada en evidencia s\u00f3lida.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hace muchos a\u00f1os hice tambi\u00e9n un art\u00edculo en otro medio analizando las ra\u00edces hist\u00f3ricas de todo esto. Pero para no alargar demasiado este art\u00edculo antes de la encuesta, partir\u00e9 del principio fundamental de la Revoluci\u00f3n Francesa y Americana. Es decir, los tres poderes del Estado, legislativo, ejecutivo y judicial<\/strong>, deben estar al servicio del pueblo<\/strong>. Y es al pueblo<\/strong> a quien corresponde por Derecho el Poder Legislativo<\/strong>. Pertenece a quien va a sufrir su propio trabajo, garantizando as\u00ed que lo har\u00e1 por ello lo mejor posible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MEOLLO<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Para que dicho poder se ejerza correctamente, antes de que llegarse al texto constitucional ha de haber un periodo constituyente<\/strong>. Un tiempo en el que el propio pueblo espa\u00f1ol, disfrutando de libertad colectiva<\/em><\/strong>, se establezca como colectivo constituyente<\/strong>. Todo para definir c\u00f3mo quiere la ciudadan\u00eda que sea esa norma constitutiva de su propio Derecho Fundador.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Para que una norma sea \u00abconstituci\u00f3n\u00bb <\/em>hace falta que cumpla con unos requisitos b\u00e1sicos<\/span><\/strong>: no cualquier cosa es una \u00abconstituci\u00f3n\u00bb. Requisitos que las constituciones europeas hist\u00f3ricas por excelencia<\/strong>, posteriores a dichas revoluciones francesa y americana, respetaban. <\/strong>Son b\u00e1sicos siempre porque son garantes de la estabilidad y tranquilidad que se deriva de la l\u00f3gica de la legitimidad<\/strong>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uno de los m\u00e1s elementales y b\u00e1sicos que son conditio sine qua non <\/em>es la divisi\u00f3n de poderes.<\/span> <\/strong>Es decir, divisi\u00f3n de poderes que se constituyen intervigilantes del cumplimiento constitucional entre ellos<\/strong>. Y algo que se sigue y deriva inmediata y concomitante de ello es el control desde Poder Legislativo<\/strong>. Tiene que poder fiscalizar y vigilar que los poderes ejecutivo y judicial cumplen su trabajo tal como el legislativo defini\u00f3<\/strong>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Esto es en extremo importante. Uno de los principios de la democracia llamada representativa <\/em>es que los ciudadanos<\/strong> puedan ser representados real, eficaz y efectivamente por el o los diputados que ellos decidan libremente<\/span>. Y a la vez se ha de garantizar en cada representante que lo que los ciudadanos determinan es llevado a la c\u00e1mara y tenido en cuenta eficientemente seg\u00fan la ley<\/strong>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Y si el diputado o grupo de diputados comisionados para esa labor de representaci\u00f3n no la realizan o la realizan defectuosamente son despedidos autom\u00e1ticamente al d\u00eda siguiente de demostrarse, sin esperar a ning\u00fan otro plazo<\/strong>. Todo ello con el fin de ejercer ese poder de control que necesariamente tiene que tener el poder legislativo<\/strong>. Poder que ha de constituirlo la ciudadan\u00eda para que pueda haber una democracia. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Originalmente se instituy\u00f3 la representatividad<\/a> aduciendo que no cab\u00edan todos en el edificio donde se deciden las cosas p\u00fablicas del pa\u00eds. Actualmente esto es falso, porque hay medios t\u00e9cnicos que pueden garantizar dicha participaci\u00f3n colectiva e incluso colegiada sin necesidad de estar todos f\u00edsicamente en una misma sala. Pero eso ser\u00eda tema de otro art\u00edculo. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

En suma, es decir, sin este mecanismo de control del poder legislativo<\/strong>, y tambi\u00e9n ult\u00e9rrima y originalmente de los ciudadanos constituyentes<\/strong>, no hay ni puede existir democracia y mucho menos democracia representativa<\/strong><\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINAL<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Pues bien, tengamos en cuenta que<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- desde el punto de vista de la legitimidad constituyente, lo que tenemos es una constituci\u00f3n<\/span><\/strong> nula de pleno derecho<\/a>. Y, en el mejor caso, una especie de ley org\u00e1nica perge\u00f1ada y pertrechada directamente en \u00e9poca del anterior dictador. Una norma puesta en marcha por los poderes f\u00e1cticos desde el sistema franquista. Activados para evitar que pudiera haber el imprescindible <\/strong>periodo constituyente realizado por quienes lo detentamos, el pueblo espa\u00f1ol<\/strong><\/span>. De todos es sabido que Franco no quer\u00eda que los espa\u00f1oles le chaf\u00e1ramos los planes pudiendo elegir por nosotros mismos. Y se aduc\u00eda que como no ten\u00edamos experiencia \u00e9ramos como ni\u00f1os a los que hab\u00eda que cuidar<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Y tengamos tambi\u00e9n en cuenta que<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- de lo anteriormente explicado, no existe ni puede existir democracia ni democracia representativa en el sistema. Un sistema institu\u00eddo desde la propia ley franquista sin periodo constituyente real. No podemos elegir libremente qu\u00e9 persona o personas f\u00edsicas queremos que nos representen. Esto es evidente. Vienen pre-dadas y depredadas en un pack prefijado que establece el jefe del partido que sea, que es quien elige nuestros representantes, no nosotros. Representantes que ni nos representan ni pueden representarnos porque las normas de los partidos a los que se deben se lo impiden. Y no podemos por ello garantizar la obligatoria e imprescindible independencia de poderes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ENCUESTA<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

As\u00ed pues, solicito desde este humilde blog que alguien me explique de un modo demostrativo, con hechos, <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- c\u00f3mo podemos, en el presente y real estado de cosas, controlar y fiscalizar en todos los sentidos a los poderes del estado para poder hacer que el funcionamiento de nuestra democracia al menos parezca constitucional<\/strong>. Recu\u00e9rdese que no existe en la mal llamada constituci\u00f3n ninguna norma que permita que los espa\u00f1oles tomen decisiones sobre su futuro. Porque el articulo 92 es potestad del presidente del gobierno. Y la iniciativa legislativa popular es controlada por el gobierno con la propaganda gubernamental. Y con la posibilidad de veto total del presidente del gobierno, tal como reza en la mal llamada constituci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- o c\u00f3mo podemos salir eficiente y pac\u00edficamente de este secuestro patente con apariencia falsa de legalidad<\/strong> en el que nos encontramos desde hace m\u00e1s de 40 a\u00f1os. Y as\u00ed iniciar un periodo constituyente de verdad<\/strong> que, al menos, nos encamine a una verdadera y entonces existente democracia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Las respuestas en los comentarios. Muchas gracias de antemano.\u00bb<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[Agust\u00edn Barahona]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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(English)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In contemporary Spain, myths and fables often circulate unnoticed. Some of these myths are related to the alleged legitimacy of the Spanish Constitution and representative democracy. However, when we analyze international norms, history, and logical reasoning, questions arise. The main ones being whether this Constitution truly possesses full legitimacy and whether representativeness exists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I emphasize this. These two clear examples of legal and social fallacies are as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- The supposed legitimacy of the Spanish Constitution, in reality, considering international and historical norms, and above all, logic, would be null and void in this regard.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- The supposed citizen representativeness of the party system, as well as the citizen’s ability to control the state’s powers through them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As always, I won’t ask you to believe me. I prefer to present some concrete facts that, over time, led me to this conviction based on solid evidence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many years ago, I also wrote an article in another publication, analyzing the historical roots of all this. But to keep this article from becoming too long before the survey, I will start with the fundamental principle of the French and American Revolutions. That is, the three branches of government\u2014legislative, executive, and judicial\u2014must serve the people. It is the people who have the rightful claim to the Legislative Power. It belongs to those who will directly bear the consequences of their work, thus ensuring they do it to the best of their ability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

CRUX<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For this power to be exercised correctly, there must be a constituent period before reaching the constitutional text. A time in which the Spanish people, enjoying collective freedom, establish themselves as a constituent body. All of this to define how the citizenry wants its constitutive norm of its foundational rights to be.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For a norm to be a \u00abconstitution,\u00bb it must meet some basic requirements: not just anything can be a \u00abconstitution.\u00bb These requirements were fundamentally respected by the historic European constitutions, following the French and American revolutions. They are basic because they guarantee the stability and tranquility derived from the logic of legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the most elementary and basic ones, a conditio sine qua non, is the separation of powers. That is, the division of powers that serve as mutual overseers of constitutional compliance among them. And something that follows directly and concomitantly from this is the control from the Legislative Power. It must be able to oversee and monitor that the executive and judicial powers perform their duties as defined by the legislature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is extremely important. One of the principles of representative democracy is that the nation’s people, its citizens, can be genuinely, effectively, and efficiently represented by the freely chosen deputies. And at the same time, it must be ensured that what citizens decide is taken to the chamber and efficiently considered according to the law. If the deputy or group of deputies appointed for this representation fail to perform or perform it defectively, they are automatically dismissed the day after it is proven, without waiting for any other deadline. All of this is to exercise the necessary control power that the Legislative Power must have. A power that must be established by the citizenry for there to be democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Originally, representativeness was established, arguing that not everyone could fit in the building where public matters of the country are decided. Currently, this is false because there are technical means that can guarantee such collective and even collegiate participation without everyone needing to be physically present in the same room. But that would be the subject of another article.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In summary, that is, without this mechanism of control over the Legislative Power, and also ultimately and originally of the constituent citizens, there is no and cannot be democracy, much less representative democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINAL<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Well, let’s consider that:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- From the perspective of constituent legitimacy, what we have is not really a constitution. It would be null and void. At best, it’s a kind of organic law devised and equipped directly during the era of the former dictator. A norm set in motion by the actual powers from the Francoist system. Activated to prevent the essential constituent period from being carried out by those of us who hold it, the Spanish people. It is widely known that Franco did not want us Spaniards to thwart his plans by choosing for ourselves. It was argued that, as we lacked experience, we were like children who needed to be taken care of.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And let’s also consider that:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- Based on what has been explained earlier, there is neither democracy nor representative democracy in the system. It’s a system established by the Francoist law itself without a real constituent period. We cannot freely choose which person or individuals we want to represent us. This is evident. They come predetermined and preselected as a pre-packaged deal set by the party leader, who is the one choosing our representatives, not us. Representatives who neither represent us nor can they represent us because the party rules they adhere to prevent them. As a result, we cannot guarantee the mandatory and essential separation of powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SURVEY<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

So, I request from this humble blog that someone explains demonstratively, with facts:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.- How can we, in the current state of affairs, control and oversee the state powers in every sense to make the functioning of our democracy at least appear constitutional? Recall that there is no provision in the so-called constitution that allows Spaniards to make decisions about their future. This is because Article 92 is within the purview of the President of the Government. And popular legislative initiative is controlled by the government through governmental propaganda. Plus, it has the potential for total veto by the President of the Government, as stated in the so-called constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.- Or how can we efficiently and peacefully break free from this blatant and falsely legal hostage situation we’ve been in for over 40 years? Then initiate a real constituent period that, at the very least, sets us on a path toward a genuine and existing democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The answers in the comments. Thank you very much in advance.\u00bb<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[Agust\u00edn Barahona]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

(Espa\u00f1ol) \u00abEn la Espa\u00f1a actual, circulan mitos y f\u00e1bulas que muy a menudo pasamos por alto. Algunos de estos mitos se relacionan con la supuesta legitimidad de la Constituci\u00f3n espa\u00f1ola y la democracia representativa. Sin embargo, al analizar las normas internacionales, la historia y el propio razonamiento l\u00f3gico, surgen preguntas. Las principales son si esta […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17,9,16,8],"tags":[65,32,42,33],"class_list":["post-9545","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-debates","category-escritos-en-facebook","category-humanismo","category-reflexiones","tag-educacion","tag-justicia","tag-politica","tag-sistema"],"aioseo_notices":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9545","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9545"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9545\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9556,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9545\/revisions\/9556"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9545"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9545"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.agustinbarahona.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9545"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}